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By Gráinne de Búrca, J. H. H. Weiler

The assumption of the ecu as a constitutional order has lately taken on renewed lifestyles, because the courtroom of Justice declared the primacy of ecu legislation not only over nationwide constitutions but additionally over the foreign criminal order, together with the UN constitution. This booklet explores the character and personality of european felony and political authority, and the advanced analytical and normative questions which the proposal of eu constitutionalism increases, either within the EU's inner and its exterior family members. The ebook culminates in an interactive epilogue during which the authors' arguments are puzzled and challenged through the editor, supplying a special and stimulating method of the topic. via bringing jointly major constitutional theorists of the eu Union, this booklet deals a pointy, difficult and interesting dialogue for college students and researchers alike.

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In general international law, the contracting parties to a treaty can modify that treaty at any stage by means of a new treaty. 39 In EU law, by contrast, the Member States do not have this freedom of form; rather, they are bound to follow the rules for treaty revision as formulated in Article 48 EU Treaty. 40 The fact that the procedure of Article 48 EU Treaty must be followed by the Member States is perfectly in line with the Vienna Convention: this is indeed the amendment procedure which the Member States committed themselves to, and as long as they do not unanimously agree to disregard it (which they don’t) it remains mandatory.

A major, and at the time startling, innovation of the ‘Schuman Plan’, contrasting with most pre-war and post-war cooperation projects, was that sovereign states should agree to transfer their powers to regulate the coal and steel industries to a common body, the High Authority. By signing the European Coal and Steel Treaty, as it emerged from the Schuman Plan through negotiations in 1950 and 1951, the governments of the Six agreed to relinquish national control over these two sectors of the economy and to allow the supranational High Authority to exercise autonomous ‘state’ powers in their stead.

Indeed, the received view among international law scholars is the following: From the standpoint of international law states are generally free as to the manner in which, domestically, they put themselves in the position to meet their international obligations; the choice between the direct reception and application of international law, or its transformation into national law by way of statute, is a matter of indifference [. ]. 61 One finds this view repeated, without much discussion, in all international law textbooks.

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