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By Rosemary Overell (auth.)

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She gestures towards the ‘shared moment of “the live” ’ (p. 83). However, her primary understanding of how scene members find belonging is through the articulation of knowledge and enjoyment of angura music; that is, through representations of subcultural capital and habitus. The exception here is Berger’s work, which discusses the embodied experiences of scene members in live music space. His examination of how death metallers experience performing live is enlightening as it accounts for the gig as a malleable process – rather than a static object that can be interpreted linguistically.

Secondly, Berger’s work lacks a detailed analysis of the experience of being a death metal fan, or audience member. The privileging of (male) performers’ experiences may echo much earlier academic neglect of fans as feminised, passive and therefore unimportant. Whatever Berger’s motivation, however, overlooking the audience’s experience is a regrettable oversight, particularly because in the small world of extreme metal there is regularly an overlap between the categories ‘performer’ and ‘audience’.

Rape (Janssen, 2011); and even terrorism (Khatchadourian, 2007). Again, metal is characterised as deviating from normative, mainstream culture. These popular images, of course, further cement the music industry marketeers’ image of metallers as outsiders. Extreme metal and belonging Apart from the academic work of the 1990s on heavy metal (Arnett, 1996; Gaines, 1990; Walser, 1993; Weinstein, 2000 [1991]), there is also a growing body of recent academic literature on metal and its various subgenres (Avelar, 2003; Bardine, 2009; Bayer, 2009; Bogue, 2004; Brown, 2003, 2010; Dee, 2009; Earl, 2009; Floeckher, 2010; Heesch, 2010; Moore, 2009; Nilsson, 2009; Spracklen, 2010; Taylor, 2010; Weinstein, 2009a).

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